Observations on Devaluation, Depression and President Coolidge

While Mr. Kirby’s piece has brought much in the way of restoring a fair and honest appraisal of President Coolidge’s handling of economic circumstances in the 1920s, he has accepted a false premise. This is not in regard to Coolidge. It relates to the misdiagnosis of recovery by devaluation of the currency thanks to the “Thomas Amendment” of the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1933. The implication made by the scholars he cites is that when money is “freed” from the anchor of intrinsic value — devaluation — the problem of unemployment is resolved. By first taking America off the gold standard ($20.67 per ounce), suspending private ownership (through executive order the following month) and setting new rates of exchange, relief from the depths of Depression came quicker than without this devaluation, they aver. This means of “creating value” helped people then to find jobs and access more money (despite the smaller purchasing power) and it can help alleviate the suffering now. Or so these scholars seem to say. This is despite the fact that unemployment never fell below 14% for the rest of the decade and stood at 24% the year of the Ag Adjustment Act. These were trends for the worse in spite of all the legislation passed to correct it.

Nations had been experimenting with devaluation of their currencies for some time by 1933. Some had come back to gold only to leave it again when it suited. Like today, most sought the immediate “fix” to the problem without actually resolving on a long-term solution. The problem was not only the limits that gold naturally imposes on governments to adhere to strict economy but when no consistency exists on a standard of value, it is no wonder international finances collapsed. The problem was not helped by lowering the standard to attribute value where there was none before, as devaluation did. It only added to the already artificial climate constructed by policy makers. Devaluation shocked the country and even once the lower values allowed for more spending, it further skewed the appearance of recovery. Losses continued unabated, debt continued to grow but by constructing a politically expedient alternate reality, thanks to a currency that was now worth less, it was harder to perceive how bad it was (Shlaes, “The Forgotten Man” New York: HarperCollins, 2007, p.158-9). Besides, what were all the superficial values going to cost in the future for the next generation? Six years would pass before Roosevelt’s “New Deal” was assessed as a failure by his own secretary of the treasury, Henry Morgenthau:

     “We have tried spending money. We are spending more than we have ever spent before and it does not work. And I have just one interest, and if I am wrong…somebody else can have my job. I want to see this country prosperous. I want to see people get a job. I want to see people get enough to eat. We have never made good on our promises…I say after eight years of this Administration we have just as much unemployment as when we started…And an enormous debt to boot!” (Folsom, “New Deal or Raw Deal?” New York: Threshold, 2008, p.2).

So much for recovery by currency devaluation. A greater case could be made that the Bretton Woods Agreement of 1944 contributed far more to real recovery than devaluation ever did (see especially Joint Statement IV of the Agreement, http://fraser.stlouisfed.org/docs/publications/books/1948_state_bwood_v1.pdf). Even at a time when the value of the dollar was down, making more to spend was not the answer, as Mr. Coolidge urged, “We…need some more old-fashioned governmental economy. Certainly it is a time to save all public money consistent with a policy of giving employment” (November 19, 1930). The solution was not to create more money that would “paper over” the short supply of value. Prosperity is not obtained by spending greater and greater amounts from the public treasury. President Coolidge understood this obvious truth when he wrote, “It would seem perfectly clear that business will not be improved by spending tax money. Taxes are already too high…Nothing would so encourage business as a reduction of this local and national burden. In 1921 it was particularly the drastic cut in Federal expenses and taxes that brought economic revival. While relief must be provided, those who now advocate higher taxes may be meeting the Treasury requirements but are postponing prosperity. Those who seek to improve our economic position by spending more tax money are going in the wrong direction. Rigid governmental economy would finally solve both problems” (December 9, 1930).

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On History

“We review the past not in order that we may return to it but that we may find in what direction, straight and clear, it points into the future” — CC, “The Green Mountains” on the occasion of the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the settlement of Burlington, Vermont, June 12, 1923. The entire address can be found in “The Price of Freedom” (Amsterdam: Fredonia Books, 2001, a reprint of the 1924 edition), p.357.

The past year of political campaigning presented plenty of straw man arguments. One of the most frequently repeated is the claim that some still stand in the way of progress as a nation because they are stuck in the past. They wish to return the country to a time of failed policies, economic inequality and corruption, it is claimed. The twenties are a favorite “proof” of that false premise. But when historical facts are actually consulted, the results show a stunning and genuine success:

The national debt had skyrocketed from $5 billion in July 1917 to $14 the following year and over $27 the summer after that as a result of the First World War. Unemployment stood at 11.7 % by 1921. Consumer price inflation had jumped to well above 20%. Real suffering was experienced not only by returning veterans unable to find employment but also entire sectors of economic activity. Then came the most decisive turn-around policy in recent history: Spending, which stood at $18.5 billion, was actually hacked to $6.4 within one year. By 1923 spending had been chopped down to $3.3 billion. The top tax rate, which had been a stifling 77% under Democrat Woodrow Wilson, was forced down with across-the-board cuts to 25% during the Coolidge years. Unemployment fell to 3.2%. The national debt was paid down to $16.9 billion by the end of Coolidge’s term. This means debt reduction and tax cuts can be accomplished simultaneously. Inflation plummeted and revenues soared to unprecedented levels: the top income earners were paying over $700 billion by the end of the decade. But weren’t “the rich” getting richer off the backs of the poor? Hardly! By 1928, the top income earners carried 61% of the tax burden while the poorest paid 1% or none at all. Gross National Product grew annually at a robust 4.7% every year of the Coolidge Presidency. 1.9% is neither recovery nor growth. Incomes all across the spectrum went up as wages increased with the ability to keep more of one’s earnings. The tax rolls were hardly static: those earning over $100,000 (the top tier in the twenties) experienced an average income increase of 15%, while the group grew nearly four times its size at the start of the decade. The number of those in the “middle class” (earning between $10-100,000) rose 84% while those at the bottom shrank. Upward mobility and sound economics were the hallmarks of the Coolidge years. Success was no less real than it was for us during the Bush years. The subsequent recession which deepened into more than a decade of Depression did not come from these policies. That is where modern candidates try to make hay out of historical ignorance. Herbert Hoover ushered in a decisive sea change in economics when he came to office in March 1929. The market continued to roar for the next seven months in spite of it. By then, it was Hoover who forgot what made the widespread success of the decade possible. Spending went back up 47%, taxes increased 63% and the Hoover’s interventionist style followed by the massive legislative obstructions under FDR prevented as swift a recovery as was accomplished in 1922. So, next time President Obama or any other uninformed “expert” on history asks if we want to emulate the “failures” of the Twenties…let’s take them up on that offer.