On Massachusetts, Slavery, and Freedom

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“Signing the Mayflower Compact” by Jean Leon Gerome Ferris (1899)

How far the people of the Commonwealth has advanced between 1620 and the days of the Revolution is indicated by the difference between the Mayflower Compact and the Declaration of Rights and the Frame of Government, which is the title of the Constitution adopted in 1780. The Declaration sets out with great precision the fundamental principles of liberty established by law.

Article I declares that all men are born free and equal.

Article II guarantees religious freedom.

Article X asserts the right of protection of life, liberty, and property by the government, and as a corollary the necessity of serving and supporting the government. 

Article XVIII enjoins “a constant adherence to piety, justice, moderation, temperance, industry, and frugality” as necessary to preserve liberty and maintain a free government. 

Article XXIX proclaims “the right of every citizen to be tried by judges as free, impartial, and independent as the lot of humanity will admit.” 

Article XXX decrees a complete separation of the legislative, executive, and judicial departments, “to the end that it may be a government of laws and not of men.” 

In between is asserted the sovereignty of the people, the liberty of speech and of the press, the right of trial by jury, and the duty of providing education, together with the other guarantees of freedom. 

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Mural of John Adams, Samuel Adams, and James Bowdoin laboring over the drafting of the Massachusetts constitution adopted in 1780 through the votes of town meetings. Its vision and quality are attested by the fact that it became one of the oldest working constitutions in the world. It would exercise a significant influence on the form of the U. S. Constitution seven years later.

We have come to think of all these principles as natural and self-evident. It is well to remember that we are in the enjoyment of them by reason of age-old effort and the constant sacrifice of treasure and blood finally wrought into standing law. There is no other process by which they can be maintained. 

All of this has been the inevitable outcome of the belief of the Puritans in the rights of the individual. This required education, and the first public school was opened in Boston in 1635. 

In 1647 the general court enjoined each town of fifty householders to have a primary school, and each of one hundred families a grammar-school. 

In 1839 a State Normal School was opened, and Massachusetts was the first to have a State Board of Education. 

The same ideal that educated the mind protected the health and regulated industrial conditions. In 1836 the first Child Labor Law was passed. In 1842 combinations of workmen made for the purpose of improving their conditions were declared lawful. In 1867 factory inspection was begun. The year 1869 saw the first Railroad Commission and the beginnings of a State Board of Arbitration. It was here that there was established the first State Board of Health, the first State Board of Charities, the first State Department of Insurance, the first Minimum Wage Law for women and children, and the first State sanatorium for the treatment of tuberculosis. 

Massachusetts has been the location of a an enormous industrial development. It is claimed that the first agricultural show was held there. Certainly it was the home of the Baldwin apple and the Concord grape. There the first railroad was built.

Four inventions, most important in modern life, are represented by the telephone, which Bell invented there, the telegraph, the sewing-machine, and the cotton-gin of Morse, Howe, and Whitney, three of her native sons, while inoculation was first used there by Boylston, and the first practical demonstration of the discovery of ether was made in one of her hospitals…

Massachusetts has contributed men of great eminence to all the learned professions. Jonathan Edwards preached there, Benjamin Franklin was born there. It has had such scientists as Agassiz and Gray, such preachers as Channing, Parker, Brooks, and Moody.

In literature it carries such names as Emerson, Hawthorne, Holmes, Longfellow, Lowell, Whittier, Everett, Phillips, and Julia Ward Howe; in art Sargent, Whistler, Stuart, Bulfinch, Copley, and Hunt; among its lawyers are Story, Cushing, Shaw, Choate, Webster, and Parsons.

Among its statesmen have been the Adamses, Webster, Sumner, Wilson, and Hoar. It has been the abiding-place of strong common sense, illustrated by Samuel Adams, master of the town meeting, and Jonathan Smith, the farmer from Lanesboro, who with Adams swung a hostile convention to the ratification of the Federal Constitution. Another clergyman, from Ipswich, was Manasseh Cutler, who drafted the Ordinance of 1787 which Representative Dane of Beverly presented to Congress, thus dedicating a sufficient area to freedom to insure the ultimate extinction of human slavery.

The Commonwealth has furnished pioneers who have gone everywhere. They are represented by such men as General Rufus Putnam, who planned the settlement of southern Ohio; Marshall Field, the great merchant of Chicago; the five students of Williams College who laid the foundation of American foreign missions at the memorable haystack prayer-meeting; Peter Parker, who established the first hospital in China; while in another field of pioneering were Garrison, the abolitionist; Clara Barton, who founded the Red Cross; Mary Lyon, who led the way at Mount Holyoke to higher education of women; Horace Mann, who was foremost in the training of teachers for the public schools.

For more than three hundred years there has gone out an influence from Massachusetts that has touched all shores, influenced all modes of thought, and modified all governments. How broad it has been is disclosed when it is remembered that Garfield and Lincoln came of Massachusetts stock.

From the earliest days the people have exhibited a high capacity both for civil and religious government…What an important influence the churches and clergymen were in this early life is apparent wherever we turn. To Robinson, who remained at home, were joined others equally prominent who led their flocks to these shores. As Hooker, the early clergyman of Cambridge who, passing on with his congregation to Hartford, set the inextinguishable mark of freedom and local independence under the representative system upon government, so Shepard, who succeeded to his pulpit and was one of the committee of six magistrates and six clergymen chosen to establish the college, set the same inextinguishable mark upon education. It was in their town that the first book ever printed in America came from the press. Wherever a town meeting is held, wherever a legislature convenes, wherever a schoolhouse is opened, the moral power of these two men is felt. The Puritan was ever intent upon supporting democracy by learning, and the authority of the State by righteousness…

While there has come to the sons of the Puritans that progress which results from science and great material resources, their supreme choice is still made in favor of a greater power. The Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts, which enjoys a reputation for sound opinions and which makes its decisions more often cited than those of any other court, save the Supreme Court of the United States, recently announced the faith that is dominant still. “Mere intellectual power,” the decision runs, “and scientific achievement without uprightness of character may be more harmful than ignorance. Highly trained intelligence, combined with disregard of fundamental virtues, is a menace.” Above all else, the people still put their faith in character.

They do not suppose that all virtue landed at Plymouth Rock, that all patriotism defended Bunker Hill. From every people and from every faith there have come Puritans. Every town and countryside has bred devoted patriots…In that faith Massachusetts still lives.

— Calvin Coolidge, excerpts of address “Massachusetts and the Nation” delivered before the National Geographic Society meeting at Washington, February 2, 1923

Monument to pilgrims in Plymouth

The National Monument to the Forefathers, Plymouth, Massachusetts, designed by Boston artist and designer Hammatt Billings, who drew the original illustrations for Uncle Tom’s Cabin, stands in Plymouth, Massachusetts. Here President and Mrs. Coolidge look up at the enormous 81-foot granite structure dedicated almost 40 years before. Since 1989 the back panel has been inscribed with lines from Governor William Bradford’s account, Of Plymouth Plantation: “Thus out of small beginnings greater things have been produced by His hand that made all things of nothing and gives being to all things that are; and as one small candle may light a thousand, so the light here kindled hath shone unto many, yea in some sort to our whole nation; let the glorious name of Jehovah have all praise.”

On John Greenleaf Whittier

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John Greenleaf Whittier in his study at Amesbury, engraving from The Illustrated London News, No 2787, September 17, 1892. Photo credit: DEA / ICAS94 / Getty Images.

The vandalism, back in mid-June, of John Greenleaf Whittier’s statue in the California city that bears his name is yet another profoundly ironic and sadly misplaced affront to history’s worthy examples and advocates of genuine justice. The statues of General Grant and Francis Scott Key in San Francisco among others around the country make more than an isolated crusade of ignorance. They are now a destructive pattern of what happens when ignorance runs rampant. Vandalism is fast overtaking those historical figures who were, in life, the most tolerant champions of fair dealing and faithful allies in the fight for that day when shackles would be broken not only on millions enslaved in body but for millions more enslaved in mind, heart, and soul. In an era of many luminaries of all kinds (the nineteenth century), few were as resolute and steadfast when it came to the end of slavery and the advance of justice between all races as the poet John Greenleaf Whittier.

While it may be symptomatic of the failures in education, descending as they do too often into poorly informed activism, it is much more a demonstration of taking the cultural wrecking ball to everything and everyone — even the best — with no discernment for good or bad in the wreckage. When we remove the best friends of justice, we can expect only deeper, more insidious injustice to follow. Ditching or defacing those with courage and conviction for commendable reasons in the past will hardly inspire more courage or conviction on behalf of causes which deserve them in our time let alone for future generations. We are left in the terrifying position of having enabled fear not fortitude, moral cowardice not moral courage, and ultimately, more exploitation by those who appropriate even the greatest symbols of good to control others instead of liberate minds and free lives.

Whittier, furthermore, inspired countless readers to defy the “way things are” as the way they should be. He urged others not to be fooled by the moral contortions of what people rationalize and justify as the equivalent of what is right and praiseworthy. He did all this without telegraphing his righteousness but by living with the humility he preached, the tolerance he praised, and the decency he cherished for everyone. Among those he inspired was President Calvin Coolidge, who committed his poetry to memory but also revered his home as the site of a truly great muse, a fountainhead of brave deeds and needed ideals.

You better get a copy of Whittier and read Snowbound before you go there [Whittier’s old home in Amesbury, Massachusetts]. It is fine piece of work and it is the piece that brought Whittier into prominent notice. You will see there the old home in which he was living the time that the theme of Snowbound took place… — Coolidge, press conference, June 23, 1925

So, before we throw out another moral hero and deserving friend with the too often irrational, emotionally-laden charge of “racist,” we would do well to look up the name and join not only Coolidge in the revolutionary task of opening our minds but also Whittier in matching them with our actions.

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Calvin Coolidge, Boston (1920). Photo credit: John H. Garo studio.

 

On Time and Place

 

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Men are always influenced by their environment. The life and history of each individual is what it is, in part, because of the surroundings into which he was born and lived. There is the corollary to this. The history of localities is what it is because of the character of the people who have lived there. The little promontory of Greece has a meaning for us, a place in history, that is born of the spirit of the people who dwelt there more than two thousand years ago. Caesar could not have been Caesar had his earthly lot been cast in the City of Pekin. Our own Lincoln, great as he was, would have been something far different had he been living in Paris in the days of the French Revolution. This locality has cast its influence over the people who have lived here and they in turn have wrought their character into its history. 

This valley [along the Ohio River], now the scene of so much industrial activity, so typically American, was beyond the frontier in the days of the Revolution. It was only after the peace had been declared, only after the Congress had by Ordinance provided for its well-being that settlers came here in profusion. They are of the stock that fought the Revolution. I believe it can safely be asserted that no body of men of equal numbers ever wrought so wisely or so effectively upon the history of mankind as the Revolutionary patriots of America and their descendants. They bequeathed a continent to freedom, showered a nation with untold riches and finally saved civilization. Such was the blood that settled here, American through and through. Wherever they go the world knows the influence they wield, what they have done, are doing, and will do. No people ever exhibited a like enterprise for business, or a like genius for government. Along this valley those powers have found full expression…

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From this blood, from these surroundings, came that great American to whom this stately memorial was reared. There is that in the present condition of our country which admonishes us to remember William McKinley. He was wiser than his critics. He was gentler than his friends. He was firmer than his party. He found the nation depressed, and distraught, he brought it prosperity and contentment. He led the people not from afar off, where his influence could not be felt, but from near at hand, directing their course, but yet with them. It is little wonder that men loved him…He was American. He believed in America. He advocated first and last American policies. He established a thoroughly American system. Yet he was something more. He was the first to recognize that the Spanish War had made us a world power with world responsibilities. He was not a man to shirk responsibilities. He did not believe that his country, which he had seen rise to the sacrifice involved in the solution of a world problem, would shirk its responsibilities. He knew that this country which he had seen on so many occasions true to itself would not be false to any other people…

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William McKinley Memorial in Niles, Ohio

Nations do not stand still. They advance or they recede. America goes forward. It would have been in vain that this monument were built to a great son of Ohio, who had grown to hold in his vision a strong and righteous nation, desiring the welfare of humanity, if he were to have no like successor, no representative of kindred mind to take up and carry on the ever unfinished task of serving the world most by serving America best. Your hope is being realized, your faith is being justified. In the light of experience you build, and go on building, not merely for the past, but for the future, confident that as the succession has not failed it will not fail. As there have come those who have been raised up to serve the nation in time of need, so they come now, so they will come. In those who have in the past been honored here, in him who today is honored, this promise stands fulfilled. And what a grand fulfillment in William McKinley and Warren G. Harding…

It were enough to say of any man that his countrymen had chosen him the President of the United States of America. But to be chosen to that office by a majority of seven one half million votes is a distinction that never came to any other President. Of itself it has a deep significance. It means that President Harding represents the common aspirations, the general ideals, of his countrymen. There is that in him which responds to the universal impulse of humanity, which recognizes but one rank — the common brotherhood of all mankind. To have that is to be a great American. The world holds no greater praise. 

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President Warren Harding’s bust within the McKinley Memorial at Niles. Photo credit: PresidentsUSA.net.

It is this broad sympathy which is responsible for the most outstanding fact of the present administration, the marvelous personal affection in which the President is held by all those who come in contact with him, most especially marked in those, who, for a better term, we call the common people. This affection has grown from the day he was nominated until it has become a fashion among all classes. The people have seen him cheering with them at the ball park and the polo field, they have seen him enraptured in the presence of five thousand flag draped caskets bearing the remains of our soldiers who died overseas, and in mutual understanding of each other have found mutual love and affection. The open White House gates are but the symbol of the open heart of him who wishes his every approach open to the people. 

This disposition has been manifest in the coordinating harmony of all government activities. In fact the American government is now in contact with itself, in contact with our own people, and in contact with other nations. There is a harmony in the Cabinet and in the Congress, bred not of coercion but of cooperation. There has been established at Washington a government of the people…

President Warren Harding (1865-1923) at the dedication Lincoln Memorial, June 30, 1922.

President Harding speaking at the Lincoln Memorial dedication, 1921.

In a series of statesmanlike addresses, to the Congress and the people, the President has laid out a wise course in relation to both foreign and domestic policy. That course is being followed to the great benefit of the nation at home and abroad. It is bringing about readjustment and realignment to a stabilized basis in our internal affairs and a restoration to respect and leadership in the world. The great obligations of government have been courageously taken up and will go firmly forward. There will be no recession. 

There are in this country, as in every other, two contending forces which, reduced to their lowest terms, represent reaction on one hand and revolution on the other. It is not unfair to characterize both as radical. President Harding leans neither to the reactionary line, nor to the revolutionary line, he holds to the rational line. If there shall be those who expect to see in him the development of a reactionary tendency they will meet disappointment. He will not only support the achievements of all truly humanitarian progress, but he will go forward on the firm foundation of realities. Whatever sacrifices may be necessary to maintain his ideals, that sacrifice he will continue to make. 

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To such a leader, granted again by Providence, giving such wise counsel, inspiring such great confidence, accomplishing such results, holding the promise of such future benefits, we dedicate this day a memorial made in his likeness. But in what spirit do we dedicate it? How can we worthily consecrate it? How can we approach to that high standard here so nobly represented? There is but one method, already indicated, the price of continuing sacrifice. 

As these men whom we here honor have made their sacrifices for the public welfare so we, the people of the nation, must make ours. The great burden of the hour is not the needs of the people. They are not measurably greater than before the war. The burden of the hour is the needs of the government. It is that need which must be met by the people. It is not by adding to the requirements of government, but by taking from them, that the burdens of the people can be lightened. There are readjustments to be made. There is reconstruction to be done. There is restoration to be effected. From these the nation cannot escape. Each must bear his part. The appeal to duty never went unheeded by America. In this dedication, in this consecration, let us pledge ourselves, in private industry and public calling, to take up and discharge in the spirit of such great examples, every burden of civilization, every duty of Americans. 

The nation needs patience, pacification, and harmony, the world needs patience, pacification and harmony, under righteousness. Let us hallow the memory of him who so greatly desired these in the past by supporting the leadership of him who is so effectively establishing them in the present. 

— Calvin Coolidge, excerpts of the dedication of a bust of President Harding at the William McKinley Memorial in Niles, Ohio, June 18, 1921

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