President Coolidge signs the Radio Act of 1927

President Coolidge addresses those in the communications field assembled for the Third Radio Conference at the White House, October 8, 1924. On that occasion, he declared, "The Administration, through Secretary Hoover, has from the beginning insisted that no monopoly should be allowed to arise, and that, to prevent it, the control of the channels through the ether should remain as much in the hands of the Government, and therefore of the people, as the control of navigation upon the waters; that while we retain the fundamental rights in the hands of the people to the control of these channels we should maintain the widest degree of freedom in their use." This, above all other principles, was why Coolidge signed the 1927 Act, as it limited monopolization without delving into a regulation of content and censorship. In fact, it specifically prohibited self-appointed censors from holding any legal authority under the Act (sections 18-19).

President Coolidge addresses those in the communications field assembled for the Third Radio Conference at the White House, October 8, 1924. On that occasion, he declared, “The Administration, through Secretary Hoover, has from the beginning insisted that no monopoly should be allowed to arise, and that, to prevent it, the control of the channels through the ether should remain as much in the hands of the Government, and therefore of the people, as the control of navigation upon the waters; that while we retain the fundamental rights in the hands of the people to the control of these channels we should maintain the widest degree of freedom in their use” (emphasis added) This, above all other principles, was why Coolidge signed the 1927 Act, as it kept radio free to grow in the hands of the people (as they envisioned it), limiting monopolization without delving into a regulation of content and censorship decisions. In fact, it specifically prohibited self-appointed censors from holding any legal authority under the Act (sections 18-19). Thanks to Coolidge, the commercial potential of radio was unleashed resulting not only in the benefits of economic opportunity for millions of people but also the spread of knowledge, civic participation and educational blessings as well. His faith in the judgment and ability of the American people to do best when they retain maximum liberty pervades his contributions to radio.

It was on this day in 1927 that President Coolidge signed the Radio Act which brought both continuity and order from the disarray of early radio communications. From the chaos over frequencies and content to oversight and licensing, the ground rules Coolidge established for the future of radio remain sound even with the passing of the years and the march of technology.

Coolidge dealt in essential principles ensuring that radio remained free to adapt flexibly and grow into a powerful medium for much good without stifling creativity or discouraging the opportunity for everyone to participate.

The legislation created a Federal Radio Commission, comprised of five members appointed by President Coolidge at the selection of Secretary Hoover. It was a crucial distinction for the future that this Commission remain under the authority of the Commerce Department. The bill provided that it would work as a quasi-independent body for 1 year and then return to the oversight of the Commerce Department and Coolidge’s Executive Branch. Thwarting yet another growth of government bureaucracy was essential to Cal. When the law was replaced under F.D.R. in 1934, the two basic changes to emerge by 1949 — since the essence of the Radio Act rested on so sound a foundation — were: (1) ensuring the permanent bureaucracy of the Commission, separated from elective accountability, replacing Coolidge’s merit-based practitioners in the radio field with professional politicians and (2) introducing by 1949 (under Truman) what became known as the “Fairness Doctrine” that exceeded the provisions of Section 18 of the 1927 Act by requiring all candidates be given equivalent airtime regardless of the programming format or broadcasting constraints. It was sold in terms of the public good but as those who experienced it quickly learned, it neither protected freedom of speech nor the public.

Coolidge commended Hoover for selecting men not for their party or political connections but for their practical experience in radio, electronics and broadcasting. Coolidge also approved of the safeguards in keeping a short leash on the Commission, helping to pull it back from independence outside the Executive Branch, authorized under the Constitution. Coolidge further backed both the commercial future of radio (by placing it under the Commerce Department’s administration) but also the maximum involvement of as many people as possible, rather than a few large conglomerates and monopolistic tycoons. He saw the future blessings of radio in the direction of order with participation and liberty with responsibility. In this way, he confirmed the future of freedom of speech in radio as well as ensuring that the medium best functioned not for the job security of a political class but as the expression of a free people engaged in their interests, work, commerce with and service to others.

Coolidge explained his mind on the danger of an unelectable, independent bureaucratization of radio this way on April 27, 1926, “I think it would be a wise policy to keep the supervision over radio or any other regulatory legislation under some of the present established departments. Otherwise, the setting up of an independent commission gives them entire jurisdiction without any control on the part of the Executive or anywhere else. That is the very essence, of course, of bureaucracy, an independent commission that is responsible to nobody and has powers to regulate and control the affairs of the people of the country. I think we ought to keep as far away from that as we can, wherever it is possible.”

Subsequent experience has certainly vindicated Coolidge’s principles on the matter.

For some excellent further reading, start with these:

Wallace, Jerry L. Calvin Coolidge: Our First Radio President. Plymouth Notch: Calvin Coolidge Memorial Foundation, 2008.

Banning, William Peck. Commercial Broadcasting Pioneer: The WEAF Experiment 1922-1926. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1946.

Barnouw, Erik. A Tower in Babel: A History of Broadcasting in the United States, vol. 1 – to 1933. New York: Oxford University Press, 1966.

Godfrey, Donald G. and Frederic A. Leigh, eds. Historical Dictionary of American Radio. Westport: Greenwood Press, 1998.

Smulyan, Susan. Selling Radio: The Commercialization of American Broadcasting, 1920-1934. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1994.

“The Republican Ideal” by Mark Steyn

“The Republican Ideal” by Mark Steyn

After his recent visit to Plymouth Notch, read the indomitable Mark Steyn’s thoughts on the home and legacy of President Coolidge. An excerpt reads, “I do believe it’s the coolest grave of any head of state I’ve ever stood in front of. It moves me far more than the gaudier presidential memorials. ‘We draw our presidents from the people,’ said Coolidge. ‘I came from them. I wish to be one of them again.’ He lived the republican ideal most of our political class merely pays lip service to.” All too true, Mr. Steyn.  It is one of the most powerful reasons to take another look when it comes to Calvin Coolidge.

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Happy Birthday, George Washington!

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February 22nd marks the two hundred and eighty-second anniversary of George Washington’s birthday. In the 1920s the first president became a favorite target among literary elites who employed “historical debunking” to impugn the legitimacy of the Founding by criticizing the man, his leadership and legacy. Since then, time has witnessed more than one recurrence of those same supposedly “new” yet regurgitated attacks upon his genuinely great character and exceptional wisdom. Once asked a question about President Washington in the same cynical tone as those attempting to “debunk” the supposed myth of the Founders’ greatness, Coolidge raised his arm and pointed out the nearest window, offering the simple retort, “His monument is still out there” (The Talkative President p.14). What made Washington great, worthy of our appreciation and study, continues to outlast his harshest critics. Coolidge, on another occasion, once said, “It takes maturity to comprehend Washington.” Yes, it does.

This maturity is sorely lacking in too many of those who, flush with self-righteous indignation, campaign against Washington and his generation for failing to live up to our current politically correct standards. They give full vent to the condescension and vitriol they nurse toward the Founding and those who accomplished it. They seek to discredit America’s exceptional beginnings because it is not perfect enough. The maturity that appreciates and honors great men like Washington requires far more than the close-minded bigotry of far too many school faculties and boards of historical institutions.  It demands that we reckon with the people and times in which they lived on their terms, not superimposing our prejudices and biases on those who triumphed over hardships and uncertainties of which we rarely experience today. Modernity, by itself, has not given us a special insight into human nature never before understood.  We are not so enlightened as we may think just as they were not so backward and provincial as we assume they were. It is by severing ties with the wisdom of the past — as if slavery, economic disparity and all the other trite catch-phrases of political correctness cannot co-exist with anything worth learning from the past, however wholesome, right or truthful — that we now face a future living in denial of all standards, even the realness of reality.

To know who we are again, it takes maturity to return and consider Washington, not as the straw man set up by “debunkers” to be easily knocked down: as either the impeccable demi-god of the Revolution nor the rich, white Southern slave owner whose hypocrisy overshadows whatever he has to teach us. In reality, he is to be appreciated as the faithful and humble man who achieved great things not because of privilege or perfection but because he held fast to character and God as his ultimate strength, overcoming time and time again what could have been permanent handicaps and lasting failures. Greatness is not a matter of birth or even breeding. Greatness is not found in never encountering failure. Greatness is discovered by persevering through failure. Greatness is manifested in one’s character, exercising the courage and conviction to rise above the expedience of the moment for the accomplishment of what is right in the end. Washington’s faith in Almighty God equipped him with the resolve to continue each day. It was a faith not resting on empty promises but rationally grounded in God’s reliable nature. It vindicates the wisdom of integrity, teaching what is essential regardless of what century it is or how far we progress technologically. As Coolidge reflected on the value of the Bible and those timeless moral lessons from Washington and others found within the books of his boyhood, he wrote, “Amid all the conflict and change which we call progress, amid the rise and fall of the contending forces of the earth, the really important relations of life remain fairly constant. After all, the older people of my boyhood, in assuming the stability and permanence of essentials, had a wisdom which experience has demonstrated to be more sound than it formerly appeared.”

Included in such sound wisdom is the virtue and valor of George Washington even now. He possessed a greatness stemming not from the accolades or privileges others gave him but from the kind of man he prepared himself to be, the discipline he exercised to master himself rather than be enslaved by an absence of moral standards, and the will to serve (not himself) but the good of others. He still stands because character outlasts time itself. Happy Birthday, George Washington!

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