Annual Message to Congress, December 3, 1924

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President Coolidge’s first Annual Message to Congress delivered the previous year, December 6, 1923

President Coolidge would open his second Annual Message to Congress by assessing the pervasive destruction of unsound economics, declaring,

          The fallacy of the claim that the costs of government are borne by the rich and those who make a direct contribution to the National Treasury can not be too often exposed. No system has been devised, I do not think any system could be devised, under which any person living in this country could escape being affected by the cost of our government. It has a direct effect both upon the rate and the purchasing power of wages. It is felt in the price of those prime necessities of existence, food, clothing, fuel and shelter. It would appear to be elementary that the more the Government expends the more it must require every producer to contribute out of his production to the Public Treasury, and the less he will have for his own benefit. The continuing costs of public administration can be met in only one way — by the work of the people. The higher they become, the more the people must work for the Government. The less they are, the more the people can work for themselves.

To restore the proper ownership of what people earn was what drove Coolidge and Mellon to insist upon Congress cutting rates across the board, fighting to eliminate penalties like the estate tax and genuinely reducing expenditures (remember this was before baseline budgeting). While the Revenue Act of 1924 retained the tax on estates (to Coolidge’s disappointment), it would continue the decrease of rates from 58 to 46% at the top and down to 1.125% at the bottom. For Coolidge, tax and expenditure reduction was a moral obligation. Higher and higher rates bore inescapable costs on everyone. Though the Federal minimum wage would not arrive until 1933 ($0.25/hr), it (like all taxes on what is earned) only harm everyone, employer and employee, rich and poor alike, shackling the future to government spending habits. Higher rates, as they had become in Coolidge’s lifetime, were an avoidable source of division for what should be a United States. As President Coolidge knew all too well, feeding class warfare as the basis for tax policy would only spread suffering and prevent the return of economic health.

On Race

When it comes to Coolidge’s views on race, it is both deliberately misleading and outright prejudicial to claim he timidly condoned animus. On the contrary, he asserted a decisive moral courage to address the progress as well as the struggles of these Americans. They were not “African-Americans” or “colored” people to him. They were Americans. He once corrected Colonel Starling for referring to a “colored gentleman.” “No,” Coolidge said, “he is a gentleman.”  President Coolidge made these matters a central component in all six of his State of the Union Addresses, his Inaugural and numerous speeches and letters. Decades before Martin Luther King, it was character and every American’s determination for self-improvement that mattered. Not one’s skin tone. He despised the condescension of treating people as groups instead of as individuals. That is why he was so relentless when it came to reducing government expenditures and the tax burden, because it helped everyone have the maximum opportunity to succeed as individuals. He also knew that without working hard to better one’s self, character would erode and by shirking the responsibilities of freedom would forfeit the rewards they produce. It is best to let him speak in his own words. Here are two excerpts from letters he wrote, the first one is to Charles F. Gardner on August 9, 1924 (in response to Mr. Gardner’s statement from a newspaper clipping about a “coloured man” running for Congress, saying: “It is of some concern whether a Negro is allowed to run for Congress, anywhere, at any time, in any party, in this, a white man’s country. Repeated ignoring of the growing race problem does not excuse us for allowing encroachments. Temporizing with the Negro whether he will or will not vote either a Democratic or a Republican ticket, as evidenced by the recent turnover in Oklahoma, is contemptible.” To which Coolidge wrote:

          Our Constitution guarantees equal rights to all our citizens, without discrimination on account of race or colour. I have taken my oath to support that Constitution. It is the source of your rights and my rights. I propose to regard it, and administer it, as the source of the rights of all the people, whatever their belief or race. A coloured man is precisely as much entitled to submit his candidacy in a party primary as is any other citizen. The decision must be made by the constituents to whom he offers himself, and by nobody else. You have suggested that in some fashion I should bring influence to bear to prevent the possibility of a coloured man being nominated for Congress. In reply, I quote my great predecessor, Theodore Roosevelt:

     ‘…I cannot consent to take the position that the door of hope–the door of opportunity–is to be shut upon any man, no matter how worthy, purely upon the grounds of race or colour.’

                                                                                                      Yours very truly,

                                                                                                       Calvin Coolidge

It is noteworthy that President Coolidge keys in on the “door of opportunity” — for that is the goal of what America is — the creation of opportunity not the guarantee of material results.

The second excerpt is from a letter written August 14 that same year to Dr. Robert R. Moton, President of The National Negro Business League, Chicago, Illinois. Keep in mind these letters were written during an election year. Offering his steady optimism for the future’s potential, Coolidge wrote:

          I wish particularly to pay tribute to the League’s founder and your distinguished predecessor, the late Booker T. Washington. His vision of the problems of the coloured people was indeed that of a seer, and your League is one of the monuments of his life work…I wish to tell you of the deep impression that was made upon me by my studies of the Negro race’s achievements. In the accumulation of wealth, establishment of material independence, and the assumption of a full and honourable part in the economic life of the nation, it may fairly be said that the coloured people themselves have already substantially solved these phases of their problem. If they will but go forward along the lines of their progress in recent decades, and under such leadership as your own and many others among their excellent organizations are affording, their future will be well cared for…They will continue their efforts for educational progress and spiritual betterment; and just as they demonstrate their eagerness for such improvement, they will find themselves enjoying a constantly greater and greater support and sympathy at the hands of the whole community…

                                                                                        Very truly yours,

                                                                                         Calvin Coolidge

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Top: Dr. Robert R. Moton; CC; Bottom: Booker T. Washington. Excerpts taken from “The Mind of the President” pp.247-251.

A Short Walk Through Coolidge Literature

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As we await Amity Shlaes’ long-anticipated “Coolidge” on Tuesday, I think back on the lengthy line of treatments he has received since Robert M. Washburn’s “First Biography” was printed in 1920. In 1923, when Washburn produced his revised 169-page biography under the same title, the President was given a copy to critique. Not one given to self-promotion, he had refused to allow his collection of speeches published as “Have Faith in Massachusetts” to be circulated during the 1920 campaign. But Washburn’s style caught his attention so much so that Coolidge was soon showing off the first chapter of the book to Bruce Barton, “Pretty good, isn’t it?” he proudly declared (Fuess 493). A number of the earliest efforts to both understand who Coolidge was and how to relate that to others fell short in the rush to the printers. Fellow Amherst alumni (like Robert A. Woods), fellow state legislators (like Roland Sawyer), relatives of friends (like Richard Scandrett, brother-in-law of Dwight Morrow) and Boston journalists (like Michael Hennessy and Edward E. Whiting) would all make attempts to capture their elusive subject for curious readers. Then there were those who knew him from childhood, like his former schoolteacher, Edward C. Carpenter, who wrote “The Boyhood Days of President Calvin Coolidge” in 1925. His secretary, C. Bascom Slemp, collected a broad range of the President’s comments on various subjects and organized them for publication as “The Mind of the President” in 1926. Neither vain nor pretentious, the President underscored his political consistency when he had an opportunity to mention the book during one of his bi-weekly press conferences on March 12, 1926, after a copy had been brought to him. “Glancing at it I see that it is very well indexed and there is topically arranged in the book things that I have said in relation to a great many subjects. I think your offices ought to provide each one of you with a copy of the book.” When the pressmen asked for his autograph in each copy, he dryly retorted, “Yes, I would be glad to, and whenever you want to know what my position is on any subject, if you will just glance at that index it will very quickly refer you to a place in the book where you can learn what I have said in relation to a very great many different subjects” (“The Talkative President,” p.27). Talk about consistency! His positions were not driven by popular sentiment.

There were also those who, like disgruntled Ike Hoover, had an ax to grind when it came to Coolidge. Their treatments tell us far more about the writer’s prejudices than they honestly reveal about their supposed subject. The efforts to discredit the man came quickly on the wings of his retirement, like with Duff Gilfond’s sarcastic lampoon, “The Rise of Saint Calvin,” (read in the fall of 1932 by the former President, Fuess p.463) Others, would follow in the steps of “New Deal” historians years later, who had to discredit Coolidge in order to validate the policies of his successors. As Jim Cooke has said, however, “friends don’t let friends read” William Allen White’s “Puritan in Babylon” without first reading Sheldon Stern’s essay on the Coolidge Stereotype (http://www.calvin-coolidge.org/william-allen-white.html). I don’t recommend wasting those precious hours of your life wading through White at all. Donald McCoy would channel the “approved history” when he, in “Quiet President,” discarded Coolidge’s political outlook as too simplistic and inept for what America needed (p.56). Apparently, for “New Deal” historians, what is needed is more government, more spending and less economic and political freedom. Thomas Silver has superbly dissected these unjust biases of historical reporting in his “Coolidge and the Historians.” In truth, “Silent Cal” speaks clearer and more directly to America’s needs than they will admit. Since President Reagan replaced Jefferson’s portrait with that of Coolidge’s, a renewal of appreciation for the man has been growing. Up to that time, the only worthwhile, full-length biography of Coolidge was by Claude M. Fuess entitled “Calvin Coolidge: The Man From Vermont,” written forty years before! Certainly, since that biography an accumulating body of work has been done by Edward C. Lathem, Howard Quint, Robert Ferrell and others to recover the truth about the man buried underneath a mountain of historical misinformation. The Calvin Coolidge Memorial Foundation has kept the fires burning through it all. The return of Coolidge’s writings and speeches to publication in no small way enables a renewal of appreciation for him and his accomplishments. The best introduction to Coolidge is found in his own words. “The Autobiography,” “Have Faith in Massachusetts,” “The Price of Freedom” and “Foundations of the Republic” are the greatest starting points to meet the man.

In the last forty years we have seen the work of a “great cloud of witnesses” including Marvin Stone, John Earl Haynes, Paul Johnson, Robert Sobel, Jerry Wallace, Hendrik Booraem V, J. R. Greene, David Pietrusza, John Derbyshire, Peter Hannaford, Jim Cooke and Amity Shlaes (among a multitude of others) who have and continue to help bring Coolidge and his principles out of the “silence” they have been held for far too long. To appreciate who he was and what he accomplished is not merely some abstract exercise or reactionary dream, it has direct bearing on our future. It furnishes us today with a proven course that, if implemented, charts the way out of enslaving debt and the institutionalized repression of our experiment in self-government began that summer of 1776.