On Wages and Upward Mobility

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Speaking in Plymouth, Massachusetts, on September 1, 1919, Governor Calvin Coolidge could have been critical of national conditions, its economic disparity and bleak situation coming out of war and into a still very uncertain peace. It remained to be seen how smooth an adjustment into peacetime America could accomplish. There was much unrest throughout the country and the Wilson administration’s Progressive rhetoric combined with the Justice Department’s prosecution of political threats continued to keep Americans on edge, a palpable anxiety which hovered over the Nation like a cloud.

1919 was not only the year of the Boston Police Strike but witnessed steel, coal and general strikes from Seattle to Johnstown, Pennsylvania. The immense power of the strikers to halt operations throughout the country reminded people they were not to be crossed without serious consequences. The incessant claims that ours was an unfair and inequitable system took a special kind of courage to publicly confront. Governor Coolidge, eight days before most of Boston’s law enforcement would vote to walk away from their duty, would address those gathered in Plymouth in full display of just that kind of courage. He would tackle the heart of the issue head-on covering the issues of labor, wages, equality and opportunity.

He began with sincere praise for America’s exceptionalism, “…[F]or it was here that for the first time in history a government was founded on a recognition of the sovereignty of the citizen which has irresistibly led to a realization of the dignity of his occupation….For the first time in five years it comes at a time when the issue of world events makes it no longer doubtful whether the American conception of work as the crowing glory of men free and equal is to prevail over the age-old European conception that work is the badge of the menial and the inferior. The American ideal has prevailed on European battle-fields through the loyalty, devotion, and sacrifice of American labor. The duty of citizenship in this hour is to strive to maintain and extend that ideal at home.”

In Coolidge’s estimation, unceasing discontent and perpetually-stirred criticism rendered no benefit to anyone and solved nothing — in fact, they were drains of energy when the challenges to be faced demanded constructive effort and optimism on the part of everyone. Creating a false perception that forced Americans into fixed classes to be constantly pitted against each other was not only dishonest but destructive if improvement and progress were to be continued. Fostering dissension and enmity between those perceived to be “Haves” and “Have Nots” was a denial of the Founding and a deceitful manipulation of the real property owners America empowers, the people themselves.

Coolidge continued, “We have known that political power was with the people, because they have the votes. We have generally supposed that economic power was not with the people, because they did not own the property. This supposition, probably never true, is growing more and more to be contrary to the facts. The great outstanding fact in the economic life of America is that the wealth of the Nation is owned by the people of the Nation. The stockholders of the great corporations run into the hundreds of thousands, the small tradesmen, the thrifty householders, the tillers of the soil, the depositors in savings banks, and the now owners of government bonds, make a number that includes nearly our entire people.”

Citing the figures of Massachusetts alone proved this assertion and laid bare the simplistic notion that justice could be legislated after “assuming that we can take from one class and give to another class.” The “property class” was already one and the same as the “employed class.” The interdependence of interests made it impossible to separate them and preserve what was good or just for either one. Reflecting on the fact that Massachusetts was an industrial state, he raised a series of questions that illustrated the path America would have to take to grow. It lay not in the direction of jealousies, hatred and class warfare but in expanding opportunity, not regulation, and raising prosperity for everyone through policies that encourage profits and its by-product, employment. He asked, “How can our people be made strong? Only as they draw their strength from our industries. How can they do that? Only by building up our industries and making them strong. This is fundamental. It is the place to begin. These are the instruments of all our achievement. When they fail, all fails. When they prosper, all prosper. Workmen’s compensation, hours and conditions of labor are cold consolations, if there be no employment. And employment can be had only if some one finds it profitable. The greater the profit, the greater the wages.”

In this economic axiom, Coolidge made clear the need, not to demonize profits, but to welcome them as a legitimate part of unchaining America’s economic potential. Coercive legislation was not the answer to higher wages. Clearing away the hampering clutter of controls that made people’s participation in the marketplace unprofitable was the solution. This raised wages. The increase in value of each individual’s labor is not determined by penalizing growth and punishing employment. The increase in value manifests itself in higher wages. The value of the individual’s work is as limitless as that person’s potential. Yet, it grows in proportion to the profitability of the enterprise to which a person’s labor is invested. If profits are suppressed, expansion of opportunity stops and, sooner or later, so does employment itself.

Governments, inept at accurately gauging the value of labor cannot set wage rates without harming growth and continued employment. In short, Governments in the business of setting wages always hurt the most vulnerable Americans, the very people wage laws claim to be helping.

Coolidge reminds us of these obvious and yet repeatedly forgotten truths. If we genuinely want everyone to prosper, we can only accomplish it by building up, not tearing down, America’s engine of growth. We do this not through constant appeals to prejudice and anger but through constructive work, encouraging the opportunities to be found in a marketplace of growing value and expanding opportunity. In such an environment, employment, higher wages, increasing profits and upward mobility are made possible for anyone with the will and determination to achieve his or her highest potential. That potential, the ability to work for yourself and keep the rewards of that labor is an American concept. It is through this recognition of the dignity of work, what Coolidge called the “crowning glory” of a free and equal people, that so extraordinary a success has been enjoyed here in America.

Governor CC at home

Economic power cannot be repeatedly stifled and thwarted without an accompanying loss to the people’s political power. Both powers are inseparably joined. While the force of Government fails whenever it attempts to harness capitalism for its own, vastly different ends, America still proves that freedom works.

On Credibility

Too often promises are made merely to send the inquirer away with hopes of fulfillment rather than informed answers or reliable results. The assurance matters more than the outcome on far too many occasions, it seems. We do not always have the answer but how often do we commit to finding one, only to never actually follow-up on the matter? Besides, who can be so confident (or is it disciplined?) to listen intently, guarantee nothing and then immediately set to work on what has been requested? When someone comes to us seeking information, do we respect him or her enough to keep our answers clear, concise and truthful?

To say what you mean to say and then follow through consistently from both factual certainty and dependable action establishes credibility. It is what sets apart the trustworthy from the unreliable and the faithless. Coolidge was notorious for his keen ability to listen without ever giving his consent or promise of fulfillment. It was not what Coolidge refused to say at the time, it was what he did after each visitor left that mattered. Coolidge would take the time to immediately follow-up on each matter before seeing the next appointment. By his deeds not his words, he accomplished far more with less “fuss,” simply doing what needed to be done. For Coolidge, it was the substance of the outcome not the intentions of the process that meant the most.

In Horace Green’s The Life of Calvin Coolidge, the author sets to work verifying from firsthand sources the facts from the fiction already growing up around the new President. One incident in particular, among those which actually took place, illustrates the seemingly effortless way Coolidge established credibility both personally and professionally. Of course, the perception of effortlessness did not reveal the work it took, the rigorous discipline Coolidge imposed upon himself from a very early age. It was how Mr. Coolidge overcame what so many in society and especially in politics consider even now a serious handicap: his willful taciturnity. By 1924, so many versions existed of young lawyer Coolidge’s “Can Move Body” story that Mr. Green was compelled to correct the record.

The original account, confirmed by Mr. Green’s research, begins with an older gentleman named Orville Prouty, who was currently serving as one of the selectmen of Hadley, Massachusetts. Throughout New England boards of “selectmen” or “aldermen” functioned as city executives whereas the legislative role was exercised directly by the people in town meetings. Hadley was a section of Northampton, the town young Coolidge had settled upon to “read” law. He chose the firm of John C. Hammond and Henry P. Field. Both men had ably and reliably served Northampton, and Massachusetts, for many years.

A man had been shot and killed while rowing on a small lake in the Hadley section of town. It was imperative that the recovery of the body be determined as soon as legally possible. Mr. Prouty needed to know whether he had lawful authority to remove the body himself without violating the law or compromising the collection of evidence for trial. He went to the law office he trusted, the same firm of Hammond and Field. However, neither man was there. There was only a thin young man he had never seen before, intently reading a law book. The young man responded to Selectman Prouty that “everybody was out.” As Mr. Green notes, “Apparently it never occurred to the selectman that the young man was anybody” (p.37). After nervously pacing around the room for a few moments, awaiting the return of either attorney, Mr. Prouty finally presented his question to the quiet youth.

Hearing out Mr. Prouty’s situation, the young man calmly replied, “Can move the body.” Without elaboration or excitement, Coolidge went back to his reading, respecting the selectman’s need for haste. Mr. Prouty could not account for this unruffled certainty. Asking whether Coolidge was completely sure, the young man responded, “Yes, can move the body.”

Astounded, Mr. Prouty met Mr. Hammond on the stairs after he walked out of the office. “Say, who the devil is that young tongue-tied blonde you got upstairs? Doesn’t he ever get excited?” To that Mr. Hammond, smiling, answered, “That young fellow isn’t much when it comes to gab, but he’s a hog for work. If he tells you you can move the body, you can bet your life you can. He’s only been in this office a few months, but I’ve found out that when he says a thing is so, it is.”

Coolidge’s reputation as a credible authority did not come without concerted preparation. He knew the difference between what were essentials and what was trivial. He did not waste time on the latter, whether the time was his or belonged to someone else. His internal focus did not permit the “show” of knowing more or promising much just to pacify the person. On the contrary, he invested himself in actually knowing the law and when he spoke, he would speak only on the firm ground of facts. Anything less would be a betrayal of himself and the trust reposed in him. His sense of economy presided not merely over his debt and budget-cutting policies but it was a consistent rule for his whole life. Just as he would not waste others’ money and time, so he would not waste words, not expecting people to be content with any answer, however correct, or manifold promises, without action. Enacting this resolute program of self-discipline, despite mystifying many while successfully defying the conventional path, made Coolidge a force of credibility that overcame time and again his reticent temperament and anti-social persona.

Dubbed “Coolidge luck” by those who cannot identify it, his diligence readied him unconsciously to be the best wherever conditions placed him, taught him to under-promise and over-deliver and gave him the confidence to lead through quiet action, instead of presumptuous fanfare. Never trumpeting what he intended to do, he dedicated himself to simply doing it, placing the substance of public service on accomplishments not aspirations. Coolidge’s approach had the effect of giving people further confidence in his credibility because they saw what he did, not just spoke of doing.

Judge Field, the other partner in the firm, was exceptionally active in the affairs of Massachusetts. He was not a man to award praise lightly. He assessed the basis for Coolidge’s credibility this way:

“I’ve never known a man who could say what he means more concisely than Coolidge. Moreover, he has an amazing faculty for reducing what he wants to say, to epigrams. No man has ever known Calvin Coolidge to go back on his word. He has lived in this city for more than twenty-three years, and you won’t find a man or woman, Republican or Democrat, but will tell you that this is true. I’ve never known any one who was a better judge of men. I’ve never known any one who doubted his courage. I’ve never known a cleaner man, a more decent citizen, a more loyal friend…Now, I say, that a man who doesn’t know how to advertize better than that is thoroughly lacking in what, from a practical political view, is the essential qualification in the science of self-exploitation.”

As Mr. Green points out, Judge Field said this before Coolidge reached national office. Yet, Coolidge turned that conventional “science of self-exploitation” on its head as he rose to the pinnacle of leadership. It was not by accident just as it was not entirely outside his control. His credibility, built from many years of effort, provides an inspiring reminder that trustworthiness is a quality each of us can attain through a similar dedication as we prepare ourselves, commit to the essentials and cherish substance over appearances. Coolidge remains credible today not because of any soaring pledges, grand intentions, or idealistic crusades but for his quiet competence, humble integrity, and decisive actions.

The Honorable John C. Hammond, President Calvin Coolidge and Judge Henry P. Field, attending a reunion of Amherst alumni.

The Honorable John C. Hammond, President Calvin Coolidge and Judge Henry P. Field, attending a reunion of Amherst alumni.

“Born on the Fourth of July” by Sidney M. Milkis

“Born on the Fourth of July” by Sidney M. Milkis

The latest review of both Amity Shlaes’ Coolidge and Charles C. Johnson’s Why Coolidge Matters adds a welcome take to a renewed conversation of Calvin Coolidge. Mr. Milkis, well-known author and professor with the Miller Center of Public Affairs at the University of Virginia, has much to offer when it comes to the Progressive Era, the period generally classified from 1900 to 1929. In his critique of both books, Mr. Milkis presents the Coolidge neither author may envision but one that resembles the man described by David Greenberg, whose Calvin Coolidge, published in 2006, accepted too many of the assumptions handed down by Art Schlesinger and the New Deal gang. Greenberg unfortunately dug himself into a deeper hole with his 2011 piece further ridiculing Coolidge’s “naive faith in the gospel of productivity” as if Big Government has proven once and for all to be a reliable and permanent fixture of American life.

Mr. Milkis contributes a worthy opinion in the ongoing and overdue discussion about our thirtieth president. However, it is equally as important not to reinforce the same, old misrepresentations of what has, for far too long, been the accepted narrative regarding “Silenced Cal.” The fact that Ms. Shlaes and Mr. Johnson are questioning that narrative with meticulous research is not “revisionist” as much as it is a return to the rigorous standards of scholarship restored by Thomas Silver, popularized by Ronald Reagan, and now being revitalized by, among others, the authors Mr. Milkis has reviewed.

Mr. Greenberg and those who preceded him in defense of the New Deal have more to lose by seeing Coolidge’s principles reintroduced and expounded through the heavy lifting done by those he perceives to be on “the Right,” than they do repeating the tired shibboleth of his naivete and failure. Americans all can appreciate Coolidge not because he identified with this or that “political side” but because the principles he embodied were thoroughly and unabashedly true to the foundations of our exceptional system, declared, constituted and reaffirmed by our ancestors. As Coolidge expressed it on another occasion, “Whether one traces his Americanism back three centuries…or three years…is not half so important as whether his Americanism of to-day is real and genuine. No matter by what various crafts we came here, we are all now in the same boat.” His appeal to eternal truths of human nature and political experience should form ground on which we can all Americans can again be a united and prosperous people.