On the Tyranny of Government Flouting the Law

Calvin Coolidge, May 9, 1924

Calvin Coolidge, May 9, 1924

“Ours, as you know, is a government of limited powers. The Constitution confers the authority for certain actions upon the President and the Congress, and specifically prohibits them from taking other actions. This is done to protect the rights and liberties of the people. The Government is limited, on the people are absolute. Whenever the legislative or executive power undertakes to overstep the bounds of its limitations, any person who is injured may resort to the courts for protection and remedy. We do not submit the precious rights of the people to the hazard of a prejudiced and irresponsible political determination, but preserve and protect them by an independent and impartial judicial determination. We do not expose the rights of the weak to the danger of being overcome in the public forum by public uproar, but protect them in the sanctity of the courtroom, where the still, small voice will not fail to be heard. Any attempt to change this method of procedure is an attempt to put the people again in jeopardy of the impositions and the tyrannies from which the first Continental Congress sought to deliver them. The only position that Americans can take is that they are against all despotism whether it emanate from a monarch, from a parliament, or from a mob” — President Coolidge, Philadelphia, September 25, 1924.

On Political Correctness or Government by the Few

ImageThough Calvin Coolidge preceded most of the “culture war” in which we are now surrounded, the roots of its existence were on the move in subtle ways in his time, particularly in higher education. The instigators of political correctness, always an intolerant and discontented minority, have rewritten much of our history, overturned the true meaning of our institutions and traditions and are well underway toward stripping the remaining vestiges of basic moral standards, and thus the political and economic liberties, from anything approaching an outward manifestation. The sanctity of religious freedom, the rights of individual conscience, upon which this New World was established finds itself under assault in ways never before known in America.

The trail of tyrannical violence by government suppression and mandated conformity in the Old World is well-worn and readily witnesses to how unjust and evil a series of crimes it perpetrates, regardless of who holds the reigns of power, against every individual to come under its wrenching grasp. America was the exception to this rule. Learning from history’s wealth of experience, our ancestors confirmed for any and all who would come after them the blessings of self-government, a framework of checks upon the power of government and protections upon the freedom of the individual, made possible by each person’s practice of virtue and informed citizenship. Being a full participant in the freedoms America has to offer requires first a sober acceptance of its obligations. It is not a tolerance of lawlessness or an undermining of the institutions that preserve responsible liberty. It means concrete standards of decency and morality must be met.

Mississippi River hero Thomas Lee, in saving the lives of those caught under the capsized M. E. Norman was honored by President Coolidge, May 28, 1925

Mississippi River hero Thomas Lee, in saving the lives of those caught under the capsized steamboat M. E. Norman was honored by President Coolidge, May 28, 1925

The power accorded political correctness has taken on an authority even more potent and intrusive than many of our statutes, codes, customs and charters. This is a perversion of America’s extraordinary foundations and, ultimately, a repudiation of lawful and orderly self-government for the absolute control by a few self-appointed guardians. These gatekeepers are not content to simply agree to disagree but deploy the full powers of every branch of government to eliminate any action, any behavior and, as we now see, any word or even thought which fails to accord with their imaginary view of the world. It is a control so expansive in scope and so insidious in aim that despots from the “Reign of Terror” under Robespierre to the “sterilizations” under Soviet direction could not have better prepared the ground for absolute tyranny as well as the members of the American Left have in education, politics, journalism and popular culture over the past eighty years.

It was nowhere near the full-blown warfare against a free conscience and Christian morality that it is now, but Coolidge’s words on October 6, 1925, could be speaking to the current intolerance of political correctness that presides over every corner of Americans’ lives. As with any mere opinion, political correctness possesses the power we give to it. Though long ago, Coolidge still speaks because the nature of humanity has not progressed beyond itself. It is still struggling with the same fundamental problems of relating to others with which we may disagree. The problem is hardly a new one. Everyone has always had differing opinions, divergent convictions. What is relatively new is that some opinions are less worthy than others to even deserve utterance for nothing more than the superficial basis of skin color, political affiliation and religious belief. Merely the chance that someone somewhere is offended silences any further comment. It is now granted to a select few, living to be offended, to suppress and destroy dissent however benign or logical it is.

The Coolidges meet Mother Jones and Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., at the White House in 1924.

The Coolidges meet Progressives Mother Jones and Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., at the White House in 1924.

It was no less the man who has come to be called “Silenced Cal” because of the decades-old attacks to his credibility, accomplishments and character, who declared,

“Progress depends very largely on the encouragement of variety. Whatever tends to standardize the community, to establish fixed and rigid modes of thought, tends to fossilize society. If we all believed the same thing and thought the same thoughts and applied the same valuations to all the occurrences about us, we should reach a state of equilibrium closely akin to an intellectual and spiritual paralysis. It is the ferment of ideas, the clash of disagreeing judgments, the privilege of the individual to develop his own thoughts and shape his own character, that makes progress possible. It is not possible to learn much from those who uniformly agree with us. But many useful things are learned from those who disagree with us; and even when we can gain nothing our differences are likely to do us no harm.

“…It is not easy to conceive of anything that would be more unfortunate in a community based upon the ideals of which Americans boast than any considerable development of intolerance as regards religion. To a great extent this country owes its beginnings to the determination of our hardy ancestors to maintain complete freedom in religion. Instead of a state church we have decreed that every citizen shall be free to follow the dictates of his own conscience as to his religious beliefs and affiliations. Under that guaranty we have erected a system which certainly is justified by its fruits. Under no other could we have dared to invite the peoples of all countries and creeds to come here and unite with us in creating the State of which we are citizens” (emphasis added).

Marked for cropping, this photograph was taken upon President Coolidge's honorary induction into the Sioux, 1927. Dubbed Wamble-To-Ka-Ha (Chief "Leading Eagle"), Coolidge also accepted the ceremonial headdress he is wearing. One of the Sioux chiefs said to Coolidge, "They tell us you are the thirtieth President of this great country, but to us you are our first President."

Marked for newspaper formatting, this photograph was taken upon President Coolidge’s honorary induction into the Sioux, 1927. Dubbed Wamble-To-Ka-Ha (Chief “Leading Eagle”), Coolidge was gifted the ceremonial headdress he is wearing. One of the Sioux chiefs said to Coolidge, “They tell us you are the thirtieth President of this great country, but to us you are our first President.”

Calvin Coolidge understood that the greatest threat to our system of freedom came not through foreign invasion or even a direct political coup, it came in the attack on the conscience and religious belief. Perhaps that is why the current minority engaging in orchestrated intolerance of Phil Robertson’s reasonably held convictions is so harmful to the peace and strength of America’s life. Threatened by a lone man’s views, they would muzzle and ostracize the person rather than meet him or her in the arena of ideas. Tolerant only of perfect conformity to their views, no one dares be so bold as to whisper a contrary notion. Unable to cope with ideas with which they do not agree, the solution is to turn loose the politically correct attack machine to so defame the latest dissenter that any future departures from the modern Left’s plantation of thought conformity are humiliated to silence.

The Founders in Federalist Numbers 48, 51 and 54, addressing the problem of majority versus minority rights strike upon the dangers that occur when a numerical minority obtains enough political power to dominate the numerical majority. This “elective despotism…was not the government we fought for,” Madison would assert in Federalist No. 48. Echoing the Federalist, Calvin Coolidge would warn of this very development in his time. We are now living that threat under Government by a few, maintained through the political correctness that subordinates and removes all competing ideas, not through reasoned exchange but through the very force of government imposed on the individual’s body, mind and soul.

Yogananda just after visiting with President Coolidge, January 24, 1927. If you look closely over the Yogi's right side, the President is taking one last look at his visitor.

Paramhansa Yogananda just after visiting with President Coolidge, January 24, 1927, during his visit to America. If you look closely over the Yogi’s right side, the President is taking one last look at his visitor through the window.

Coolidge said, “No minority is good enough to be trusted with the government of a majority.” It was why, as the authors of the Federalist explain, the broad differences of America’s people were to be encouraged and fostered, not stifled and denied. It would be a deadly thing when any minority assumed enough of the powers of government in a few hands to become a political majority, unrestrained in the arbitrary will of pure democracy that had destroyed the greatest civilizations in history. As constituted, our system of government allowed neither the minority nor the majority to assume control of the other, thereby denying rights not in the interest of whoever held control. In this way, power was to remain checked and liberty preserved. To give the balance to one over the other would end in despotism and, ultimately, an absence of any law or order at all.

President Coolidge dedicating the cornerstone of the Jewish Community Center, Washington, D.C., May 3, 1925.

President Coolidge dedicating the cornerstone of the Jewish Community Center, Washington, D.C., May 3, 1925.

Coolidge continued, “We have never seen, and it is unlikely that we ever shall see, the time when we can safely relax our vigilance and risk our institutions to run themselves under the hand of an active, even though well-intentioned, minority.” Coolidge was simply saying what the Founders understood from all of human history.

It was a truth, as Christian philosopher C. S. Lewis once observed, easily cloaked in the form of good intentions, when he said, “Of all tyrannies, a tyranny sincerely exercised for the good of its victims may be the most oppressive.” For this reason, Patrick Henry would aver, “Guard with jealous attention the public liberty. Suspect everyone who approaches that jewel. Unfortunately, nothing will preserve it but downright force. Whenever you give up that force, you are inevitably ruined.” That force finds expression every time we stop empowering the politically correct few with the authority and legitimacy to dictate social, cultural and political rules for the rest of us outside our traditional and constitutional processes.

President Coolidge meeting political activist Helen Keller, at the White House, January 11, 1926.

President Coolidge meeting Socialist Party activist Helen Keller, at the White House, January 11, 1926.

The Federal Government has already passed enough laws shackling people to a double standard, we have no moral imperative binding us to a systematic surrender of liberty before an amorphous and extra-legal “court” of political correctness. We can simply refuse to participate in the “game” of what others consider socially permissible at the current moment. The force to counter it, Coolidge would reiterate, is found in the individual, exemplifying the light of informed conscience, before the hostilities of an ignorant and hate-filled world. “In the end,” Coolidge, citing Scripture in his daily column on May 12, 1931, reaffirmed what both nations and individuals require: “to do justice, love mercy and walk humbly” (Micah 6:8). It means living the love of Christ, no less when it is met with prejudice and enmity. It means having the courage to restore moral standards to public life, “putting good government” back into the ballot box and exercising the duties, not merely the privileges, of self-governing citizenship.

It was President Coolidge who graciously accepted the gift of this rug made by the Armenian orphans rescued by Americans from genocide under the Turks.

It was President Coolidge who graciously accepted the gift of this rug made by the Armenian orphans rescued by Americans from genocide under the Turks.

As Coolidge said in 1926, the Founders’ “intellectual life centered around the meeting-house. They were intent upon religious worship. While there were always among them men of deep learning, and later those who had comparatively large possessions, the mind of the people was not so much engrossed in how much they knew, or how much they had, as in how they were going to live. While scantily provided with other literature, there was a wide acquaintance with the Scriptures. Over a period as great as that which measures the existence of our independence they were subject to this discipline not only in their religious life and educational training, but also in their political thought. They were a people who came under the influence of a great spiritual development and acquired a great moral power.

“No other theory is adequate to explain or comprehend the Declaration of Independence. It is the product of the spiritual insight of the people. We live in an age of science and of abounding accumulation of material things. These did not create our Declaration. Our Declaration created them. The things of the spirit come first. Unless we cling to that, all our material prosperity, overwhelming though it may appear, will turn to a barren sceptre in our grasp. If we are to maintain the great heritage which has been bequeathed to us, we must be like-minded as the fathers who created it. We must not sink into a pagan materialism. We must cultivate the reverence which they had for the things that are holy. We must follow the spiritual and moral leadership which they showed. We must keep replenished, that they may glow with a more compelling flame, the altar fires before which they worshiped.”

Vice President Coolidge, just after taking the oath of office, is snapped next to Rebecca Felton, the overtly prejudiced Senator from Georgia, November 21, 1922.

Vice President Coolidge, just after taking the oath of office, is snapped next to Rebecca Felton, the overtly prejudiced Democrat Senator from Georgia, November 21, 1922.

A refusal to submit to the unlawful exercise of power is precisely what prompted the Founders to act and commended those actions to men like Coolidge, who understood what motivated them was not hatred, bigotry or selfishness. What compelled the Founders was the bulwark of religious freedom, the rights God gave the conscience of the individual, inspiring the men and women of that time to resist tyrants when they appeared. That same principle, in our hearts and minds now, has but to be exercised if genuine and constructive political corrections are to take place.

“There’s your answer”

It was a rare occasion that Calvin Coolidge made a good first impression. The first time his future wife saw him may be the greatest exception to the rule. On that occasion, he was seen shaving in front of a mirror with hat precisely fixed atop his head, in order, as he later explained, to keep an unruly strand of hair out of his way. It is interesting to recall that Mrs. Coolidge would find him with sleeves rolled and accoutrements in order for shaving on the day he passed away. He went as she had first met him.

Yet, not even those among his closest friends could honestly deny the disappointment each one felt upon first meeting the man. Being soundly recommended to them, Coolidge seemed to be neither engaged in their cause nor concerned with creating the perception that he was. Coolidge conveyed the diametric opposite of what is supposed to work in politics. The mentality is so prevalent that even the person sincerely and selflessly making request of an elected official expects the perception of concern as much, if not more, than actual results. Mr. Stearns was one such sincere petitioner who began what became an immovable friendship angry at the young Senator Coolidge for appearing indifferent to Amherst and his request. When the opportunity presented to take up the matter again the following year, Mr. Stearns was stunned to discover that Coolidge had not only passed the bill but added carefully crafted provisions for which the older man had not thought to ask! Such began Mr. Stearns’ quest to see Coolidge raised to national leadership.

Frank Waterman Stearns, A Real Friend (1856-1939), as Horace Green features him in The Life of Calvin Coolidge, 1924.

Frank Waterman Stearns, A Real Friend (1856-1939), as Horace Green features him in The Life of Calvin Coolidge, 1924.

Others, like his Amherst classmate Dwight Morrow, saw what was not so obvious to most about Coolidge. While a majority of their class voted for Morrow as the one most likely to succeed, he gave his first (and the lone vote of the class of 1895) for Coolidge. His wife and college sweetheart, Elizabeth, did not share his insightful impression of the man from Vermont. Meeting the Coolidges at an Amherst reunion, Mrs. Morrow simply could not see what Dwight (and Grace even more so) saw in “that sulky, red-headed little man.” Her husband countered, “Don’t be too hasty, Betty. We’ll hear from that man Coolidge some day.” “Yes,” she quickly retorted, “we’ll hear from him–but we’ll hear from him through his wife.”

As Mrs. Morrow would write in 1935, “I couldn’t have known then that my husband and I would both be right.”

The power of Coolidge’s personality and character left an imprint not readily visible or appreciated, especially from the first visit. As is often the case, the perceptive abilities of children to weigh what was important from inconsequential, to discern kindness and compassion in others, even in the smallest and usually underestimated ways, presents a truer grasp of the man as he genuinely was. Children tend to be the first to detect the fake and fraudulent. Three occasions of Coolidge’s impression on children illustrate not simply a political ploy but emphasize who he actually was, a good and thoughtful man who cared for people. To Coolidge, even the smallest and youngest individuals had great worth and significance.

First, the Morrows having been to see the Coolidges before the police strike boarded the train home to New York. On the way they got into a discussion with those in their drawing room about the political future of Governor Coolidge. While Mr. Morrow saw Presidential potential in the man, nearly everyone else simply did not see it. He was “too quiet” lacking the “cordiality and personality” to go anywhere beyond Boston. “No one would like him!” someone announced. Mrs. Morrow writes, “At this point little Anne [their second eldest, age six at the time] broke into the serious discussion. She held up a finger that had a bit of adhesive tape on it over a little cut. ‘I like Mr. Coolidge,’ she said. ‘He was the only one who asked about my sore finger!’ My husband, quite pleased, of course, looked at his friends and said, ‘There’s your answer.’ ”

Anne Morrow, age 12.

Anne Morrow, age 12.

Second, Ernestine Cady Perry had worked for the law office of Coolidge and Hemenway in Northampton for some time. As Mr. Coolidge rose from local to national responsibility, he never forgot who he was or the people he knew and missed back home. Once in the White House, he took the time to send signed photographs to Mrs. Perry’s two little daughters. In fact, they would overhear so many good qualities attributed to kind Mr. Coolidge that one of them, Jane, at age five, took her mother by surprise upon asking, “Would it be better if I had Calvin Coolidge for a daddy instead of my own daddy?” Such a question, asked in the innocence of her age, still carries an insight into the endearing character of Calvin Coolidge and the wholesome regard even the youngest held for him.

Third, Edward K. Hall worked for many years as a vice president of the American Telephone and Telegraph Company in personnel relations. A graduate of Darmouth, Mr. Hall came to be recognized for his superior qualities of leadership in labor disputes. In 1924, his eldest son, Richard, died suddenly after illness struck just a few hours earlier. It was President Coolidge, having just lost his youngest son, Calvin Jr., after only a few short days of sickness, who sent a book with this inscription to comfort the similarly grieving father:

“To Edward K. Hall: In recollection of his son and my son, who had the privilege by the grace of God to be boys through all eternity. Calvin Coolidge.”

Memorial tablet for Richard Neville Hall, the son of Edward K. and Sally D. Hall. It rests in the foyer of Baker Library at Dartmouth College.

Memorial tablet for Dartmouth sophomore Richard Hall, the son of Edward K. and Sally D. Hall.

The President's son, Calvin Jr. (1908-1924)

The President’s son, Calvin Jr. (1908-1924)

It was that same Mr. Coolidge who, upon receiving a small boy Colonel Starling had found waiting to see him outside the White House gates, having come to console him after Calvin Jr.’s death, told Starling, barely able to contain his emotions: “Colonel, whenever a boy wants to see me always bring him in. Never turn one away or make him wait” (Starling of the White House p.224).

Clarence S. Brigham of the American Antiquarian Society noted Coolidge’s love for people, particularly cherishing the innocent goodness of our children. He valued the least among us and took joy in the presence of the happy and appreciated lives of little ones. It was he who once said, “I should not want to think of heaven without children there.” In offering a few final words in memory of his friend, the thirtieth president, Mr. Brigham wrote:

“I think that Mr. Coolidge’s outstanding trait was his kindness and his sympathy. He never forgot a friend and had a surprising habit of remembering trivial happenings, if they concerned those whom he liked and trusted. He had the faculty of inspiring a really fond affection from those with whom he was closely brought into contact. His character was so strongly made up of honesty, fairness, adherence to ideals, and courage, that they stood out above other qualities throughout his whole life. Truly, a man with a soul which looked inwards and tried to interpret the mysteries of life, whose own life was given to serve his fellow men, must live forever in the hearts of the people.”