On Law

A rigorous discussion of the purpose of law does not seem to engage Americans as it once did. That is not an indicator of either intellectual progress or societal maturity. It was once a pronounced characteristic observed not merely in the halls of higher education but in the daily interaction between Americans at work and at leisure. It is rarely asked, “Is this law necessary?” or “what does this law actually accomplish?” let alone “is this truly ‘law’ at all?” The thirtieth President’s thoughts on law came through this regular pursuit of first principles, to understand things in their essential nature and design. But he also learned through the practical experiences of watching his father at work in Plymouth as its law officer and representative and later, learning from his own work as a city councilman, city solicitor, mayor and state legislator, not to mention Governor of Massachusetts. This honest search to know the nature of law did not dissipate in his approach to problems as President. It was, in fact, common for Coolidge to meet legal conflicts with the simple, yet profound, question: “What does the law say?” To him, it was inconsequential to ask what political motives were involved, whose interests would be advanced, what this or that decision would mean for his reelection prospects or those of the Party. What mattered more than anything was the authority of law upon himself and those around him. It was not for him to reshape the law into what he preferred it to be or what made him more popular with a particular demographic. It was simply, “what is the law?” He explained its success in practice, writing in 1929,

          All situations that arise are likely to be simplified, and many of them completely solved, by an application of the Constitution and the law. If what they require to be done, is done, there is no opportunity for criticism, and it would be seldom that anything better could be devised. A Commission once came to me with a proposal for adopting rules to regulate the conduct of its members. As they were evenly divided, each side wished me to decide against the other. They did this because, while it is always the nature of the Commissioner to claim that he is entirely independent of the President, he would usually welcome presidential interference with any other Commissioner who does not agree with him. In this case it occurred to me that the Department of Justice should ascertain what the statute setting up this Commission required under the circumstances. A reference to the law disclosed that the Congress had specified the qualifications of the members of the Commission and that they could not by rule either enlarge or diminish the power of their individual members. So their problem was solved like many others by simply finding out what the law required (‘The Autobiography,’ pp.201-2).

Once again, the obvious is brought into focus by President Coolidge. When the calls were loudest for new rules and greater restrictions, Coolidge brought the matter back to its simplest form with that thoughtful admonition to find what the law says. As it turned out, rules already existed and the matter was resolved. All too often, the search for what the law says is missing today in the rush to legislate and regulate. In the process, not only is enforcement of existing laws neglected but the very authority of law upon all alike, including the President and his Cabinet, falls into disrepute. The question that echoes through the years is not “what do we want the law to be in this instance” or “which laws do we prefer to enforce” but “what is the law”? Once that question is answered, the next step is clear. The duty upon all, including the highest officers of the national government, is the same as it was for Coolidge, “Well, follow it.”

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On the Presidency

“Any man who has been placed in the White House can not feel that it is the result of his own exertions or his own merit. Some power outside and beyond him becomes manifest through him. As he contemplates the workings of his office, he comes to realize with an increasing sense of humility that he is but an instrument in the hands of God” — Calvin Coolidge, ‘The Autobiography’ (1929)

Results Over Intentions

The moment that President Coolidge announced: “I do not choose to run for President in nineteen twenty-eight” August 2, 1927, the speculation began. Did he actually mean he would not seek another term of office? As the election drew near, Herbert Hoover continued to try without success to extract an answer he could consider definitive from the man who would be his predecessor. No plans for the future were announced and yet by the summer of 1930 it became clear for most that Mr. Coolidge did mean what he said about retirement from public life. He left and never looked back. “Draft Coolidge” movements would crop up in 1928 and again in 1932 but he was not going to return. Period. He was not a man so nurtured on his popularity that he felt compelled to say something other than what he meant or to build a legacy around himself. He also knew that results are worth more than intentions, however lofty and well-meaning they might be. He practiced this principle all his life. He won every election he ever sought save one defeat in 1905. However, his strength as a candidate did not come through ingratiating himself upon others. A biographer recounts one of Frank Stearns’ early recollections of Coolidge’s leadership of the Massachusetts Senate. Stearns was permanently struck by watching Coolidge at work, as the “entire absence of effort to impress me was different from the action of any politician that I had ever met”…and Mr. Stearns was a very well-connected man (“Calvin Coolidge: The Man From Vermont” by Claude M. Fuess, p. 130). Scholar John E. Haynes, having examined Coolidge’s Papers, has commented on the utter absence of lengthy explanations for presidential decisions, expansive journal entries or letters revealing why Coolidge did this or that (“The Calvin Coolidge Papers at the Library of Congress” in “The Real Calvin Coolidge,” vol. 8, Plymouth: CC Memorial Foundation, 1990, pp. 17-26). Make no mistake, there were plenty of problems that arose between 1923-1929. Any one of them would have merited Coolidge’s further exposition. What Coolidge intended to do was irrelevant to him let alone beneficial to posterity. He bequeathed the results of his actions not what he wished would have happened. Results are what should matter, he believed. When R. H. Waldo approached Mr. Coolidge about writing articles for the McClure Syndicate, it would take him two years of persistent effort to gain the former President’s consent on the project. Behind the emphasis on results, there rested an attitude of humility toward his role as a President. He was simply living up to a value of substance over appearance. He refused throughout his writing to become a kind of Promisor offering to save the country. He was not so vain to believe he could. But even more so, it was not the place of government leaders, past or present, to attempt to insulate the people from the consequences of their own choices. This act of refraining is what he called the “price of freedom.” Not only does paternalism fail when tried, it strips the rewards from opportunity in the name of security. It betrays the design of America. Michael Kochin, in his book on rhetoric, cites the thirtieth president as declaring: “The country cannot be run on the promise of what it will do for the people. The only motive to which they will continue ready to respond is the opportunity to do something for themselves, to achieve their own greatness, to work out their destiny” (“Five Chapters on Rhetoric” p.62). Mr. Coolidge understood that sound leadership lay in results not along the treacherous shoals of good intentions and soaring promises.

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“The government cannot be run successfully by substituting the power of entertainment for the power of accomplishment. The essential quality for the voters to require in their choice of candidates is capacity for public service” — CC, October 8, 1930.