On George Harvey

ImageFew men held as much influence paired with humble perspective as did Ambassador George Harvey. As a journalist, statesman and diplomat for more than forty years, he had shaped history on more than one occasion. Yet, he approached his work as self-deferential service not an opportunity to secure glory among great men.

Appointed by President Harding as Ambassador to Great Britain in 1921, Harvey returned home upon the death of the President and subsequent succession by Calvin Coolidge in the summer of 1923. Coolidge and Harvey hit it off immediately. Both Vermonters, they possessed in like measure an ability to distill the intricate details of each policy question into its essential parts. As Coolidge honors him in his Autobiography, he would learn a “large amount” from Ambassador Harvey on the situation in Europe who “not only had a special aptitude for gathering and digesting information of that nature, but had been located at London for two years, where most of it centered” (pp.187-8).

Their first meeting, shortly after Coolidge succeeded to the Presidency, is recounted in Willis Johnson’s excellent biography, George Harvey: A Passionate Patriot. It was an opportunity for Coolidge to drill, through a series of rapid fire questions, a man who knew the “lay of the land” in Europe as well as domestically.  Coolidge benefited immensely from Harvey’s political instincts. It was not that Harvey told Coolidge what needed to be done for both men knew that the incoming President, ridiculed as “provincial,” had a firmer grasp on affairs than most of the political class did. Harvey furnished the foundation for Coolidge to proceed with the assurance that the new President’s grasp of the situation was sound.

Ambassador Harvey provided Coolidge with an experienced perspective of one who had been “over there” and perceived political attitudes at home going into 1924. The task of securing nomination and election as well as the settlement of war debt and protection of American interests abroad needed men not only of intelligence but also of wisdom and circumspection. It was for this reason that Harvey, combining these qualities, became such an asset to President Coolidge.

While Coolidge would meet with Harvey more frequently than Harding ever did, the Ambassador would notice, favorably, that Coolidge sought advice without depending on it. Coolidge welcomed input but made the final decision himself. That, too, is a distinguishing mark of good leaders. History has seen its share of people who thought themselves greater than they were subsequently misleading the country because of a failure to seek informed opinions outside themselves. Coolidge never indulged such arrogance, explaining his approach this way,

“It has been my policy to seek information and advice wherever I could find it. I have never relied on any particular person to be my unofficial adviser. I have let the merits of each case and the soundness of all advice speak for themselves. My counselors have been those provided by the Constitution and the law” (Autobiography, p.188).

It was on both fronts, domestically and internationally, that Harvey proved his worth as a faithful advocate, dedicated diplomat and tenacious journalist. It was Harvey who, as Ambassador, settled the first of many war debt negotiations. That initial agreement paved the way for the rest of Europe to address their obligations. Not everyone did so but it was America and Great Britain who bore the weight of leadership around the world. Under that leadership, repayment of debts incurred by American aid during World War I found resolution. Harvey praised any nation who soberly committed to its duties. While other nations came to Washington to talk about the weather, “Great Britain arrived and talked business” (Johnson p.343). The settlement was not an easy one: Britain’s share of war debt was $150-200 million annually for sixty years, the terms placing her Majesty’s government in a position to strengthen credit so that only 2.5% in interest could be paid.

By paying its debts, Britain was telling the world how important it is to live responsibly, whether as nations or individuals. It was this very attitude, exemplified by the Coolidge administration, that America expected of itself. It was this seriousness about tackling the problem of debt — in contrast to indecision or worse, complacency — that distinguished the status of a world power from that of subsistence as a mere hireling, dependent on the actions of others for its welfare and best interests. America took its responsibilities seriously and, by resolving on a rule here (paying down the national debt, cutting taxes and reducing Federal expenditures) that the rest of the world could emulate, sent a message that freedom from rather than enslavement to debt forms the wise and sure basis of future economic and political success.

It was Harvey, having retired as Ambassador, who returned to the calling of journalism and was instrumental in explaining the issues at stake in the 1924 election. He was no partisan Republican, as he made plain: He first supported Coolidge because he knew him to be right and then, as he wrote Coolidge, because “you were you.” He would commend Coolidge in personal correspondence to King George V, sending the monarch his own biographical sketch of the new President so that Britain would also understand, and appreciate, the “Yankee” who now led America (Johnson p.375).

As editor of the North American Review, Harvey took up the task of unraveling fact from fiction to navigate through the morass of accusations and counter-claims. In his “Coolidge or Chaos” articles, Harvey exposed the plan then underway to try to throw the election into the House of Representatives, being the second time this honorable man thwarted a plot to manipulate an electoral choice by the people (the first being perpetrated against Cleveland in 1892). The plot was averted by his timely action that informed voters of what was truly at stake for the country.

Whether as journalist or diplomat, Harvey served his country faithfully. He knew his work, executed it conscientiously and answered the call to serve even as his health gave way, dying in August of 1928. His instincts were always sound, as seen when he accurately predicted the electoral victory for Coolidge in 1924, state-by-state, weeks before results were known (Johnson p.413). He seemed to be a man placed at the right time to serve his country where it needed him most.

Introducing Johnson’s biography, former President Coolidge, looked back with effusive approval for his dear friend’s life and accomplishments, writing in June 1929, “A character such as Colonel George Harvey possessed would make him an intense, even an almost fanatical American. He was not wanting in a world vision. He did not lack a vision on any subject. But his ideal of world service was to keep the United States free and unencumbered by any artificial limitations that might hamper it in serving humanity in accordance with its own judgment, in its own time and in its own way. There was little about him that was legalistic. If something ought to be done, it was his way to go and do it. He was purely practical and purely patriotic. As a journalist and author, a politician and a statesman, he left a broad and deep mark on the times in which he lived. Not only our own Country, but the world at large has profited by the life and action of Colonel George Harvey. It is a satisfaction to feel that he was my friend.”

He was one of many exceptional Americans of whom we can, joining with Coolidge, be proud. He remains, among many throughout our history, “worthy of the name American,” as Coolidge would say in a different context. His love of our country and pursuit of the welfare of all its people deserves our renewed study and grateful respect.

On Reasons for Optimism

“However powerful the forces of evil may appear, somewhere there are more powerful forces of righteousness” — Calvin Coolidge, April 22, 1918

“It is never the part of wisdom to minimize the power of evil, but it is far less the part of wisdom to forget the power of good…The important truth remains that the forces of good, now as always, surpass the forces of evil” — April 13, 1923

“The first and most important [human motive], to which all else is subordinate, is that of righteousness. There is that in mankind, stronger than all else, which requires them to do right” — May 30, 1923

“It is necessary not only to have faith, but to make sacrifices for our faith. The spiritual forces of the world make all its final determinations” — December 6, 1923

“Something in all human beings makes them want to do the right thing. Not that this desire always prevails; oftentimes it is overcome and they turn towards evil. But some power is constantly calling them back. Ever there comes a resistance to wrongdoing. When bad conditions begun to accumulate, when the forces of darkness become prevalent, always they are ultimately doomed to fail, as the better angels of human nature are roused to resistance” — September 21, 1924

“It seems as though good influences had always been coming into my life. Perhaps I have been more fortunate in that respect than others. But while I am not disposed to minimuze the amount of evil in the world I am convinced that the good predominates and that it is constantly all about us, ready for our service if only we will accept it”The Autobiography of Calvin Coolidge, 1929, p.54-55.

“The only way I know to drive out evil from the country is by the constructive method of filling it with good. The country is better off tranquilly considering its blessings and merits, and earnestly striving to secure more of them, than it would be in nursing hostile bitterness about its deficiencies and faults”The Autobiography, p.186.

“I will elaborate…by saying nothing”

A sizable group of visitors had arrived to be photographed with President Coolidge on the South lawn. Having made clear to them long before their arrival that the President would have no formal remarks, Coolidge’s secretary Everett Sanders could not convince the head of the delegation, who stubbornly believed a Presidential address was imminent, saying,  “I am delighted to learn that the president is to make us a little speech.”

What was Sanders to do? If he failed to convince the man that President Coolidge would not be speaking, the meeting might fail, support might be lost or worse, the President would be forced to go back on his prior arrangement. The secretary recounts what happened,

“I went in and explained to the president how many times I had told them he could not make a speech, so that if they called on him he would understand.”

Did Coolidge “play along” in order to save face, avoid a public relations fallout or back-pedal on his agreement? Sanders continued, “As he started to join them, the president said to me, with a smile, ‘If they have not understood, I will elaborate on what you have said by saying nothing.’

Coolidge did not live in the artificial world of those who constantly brood over and adjust identity to cater to public perceptions. He remained himself and if people understood that, fine…if not, the opportunity to understand it remained in their hands. He would not go back on his word to conform to a mistaken impression. He was his own man and people could take it or leave it. Infusing levity into the situation was important as well because it introduced a healthy sense of proportion, a return to reality. He understood people eventually see through the fake and fraudulent. He resolved to remain authentic from the start, knowing that people respect sincerity and honesty. This requires disciplined confidence and personal courage. It is what sets the statesman apart from the politician. Coolidge understood what far too many officeholders, waffling in expediency, have yet to learn about themselves, people in general or the fundamentals of statecraft.

President Coolidge with his secretary, Everett Sanders, outside the International Civil Aeronautics Conference, December 12, 1928.

President Coolidge with his secretary, Everett Sanders, outside the International Civil Aeronautics Conference, December 12, 1928.