
Fishing near his home in Plymouth, 1924 / AP Photo/Vermont Division of Historic Protection

Fishing near his home in Plymouth, 1924 / AP Photo/Vermont Division of Historic Protection
It was “Colonel” Starling, the head of the President’s Secret Service Detail, who encouraged Coolidge’s fascination with fishing. He had certainly fished before, growing up in Plymouth, but it was due to the Kentuckian’s influence that he became an avid fisherman, including practice in the art of fly fishing. It was during Coolidge’s famous summer of 1927 in South Dakota that Starling recounted the President’s experience with the Royal Coachman and the Black Gnat,
“One of the first things he did was to admit to the newspapermen that he used worms to catch trout. This precipitated a hullabaloo, with all the fly fishermen in the region shouting that to use worms was unsportsmanlike. The controversy was silly–any fisherman will use worms rather than go home with an empty creel. But I planned to convert the President to flies if I could.
“A few days later he was fishing the same stream with a guide. I was behind about a quarter of a mile, trying my luck with a Royal Coachman. He went for me. ‘There’s an ol’ fish here that won’t bite,’ he said. ‘He keeps taking my bait.’
‘What are you using?’ I asked.
“He showed me his hook. On it he had a salmon egg and a grasshopper.
‘No wonder he won’t bite,’ I said. ‘The bait is too big for him to swallow. There isn’t a fish in the stream who could get all that in his mouth.’
“He ignored my criticism. ‘Suppose you try your dry fly,’ he said.
“I made a few casts with my Royal Coachman. The fish played with it but wouldn’t bite. Then I changed to an old, dilapidated Black Gnat. I put it on the grassy bank then pulled it back into the stream. Immediately it was sucked into the current, and the trout, with a mighty lunge, took it as if he had been waiting for it all his life.
“The little fellow [as Starling called the President] got so excited that he tangled his own line up in his rubber boots. He called to me, ‘Don’t lose him! Don’t lose him!’ He told me how to play him. Finally, unable to stand the excitement any longer, he grabbed the landing net and waded into the water above his boot tops. With a quick thrust he got the trout, then carried it ashore, where the guide removed the hook from its mouth. Without a word he carried the fish to the automobile, and that was the last I saw of it. But my purpose was accomplished. Thereafter he fished with flies” (“Starling of the White House” pp. 250-1).
As he prepared to leave the White House, Mr. Coolidge began planning to go on a cross-country fishing trip with Starling, once they both retired, spanning from the Brule River trout enjoyed the next summer to the salmon of Washington state and Oregon. Though, for various reasons, it never happened, the President wrote this, perhaps with his friend in mind, “At heart we are all fishermen. Some of us never had a chance to practice the art. Some have known it only through the use of expensive rods and fancy tackle, on elaborate artificial preserves. But the real fishermen associate the sport with a barefooted boyhood, where pole, bait, stream and the alder branch on which the fish were strung were all the product of nature…The open country, the unhurried silence, the refreshing leisure are a stimulation to the body and a benediction to the soul. Even the imagination expands and the credulity is disciplined in telling and listening to adventures with rod and reel. There is something natural, homely, wholesome and unspoiled about fishermen which we shall all do well to cultivate” (April 6, 1931).

The Royal Coachman

President Coolidge with his friend, Colonel Starling

The Black Gnat
The Revenue Act of 1932 was the single largest peacetime tax increase up to its time. It raised the top rate from 25% to 63%, doubled the estate tax, increased the corporate tax 15%, and ushered in taxes on numerous items that had never before been charged. A tax on gasoline, now taken for granted, began that year. Sales taxes were imposed on candy, toiletries, refrigerators, tires, cars, checks, stamps, telephone messages and numerous other items. All this was intended to save the country from the first deficit to occur in ten years. The loss of revenue from the Smoot-Hawley Tariff combined with the repeated hemorrhage of expenditures on everything from “work-sharing” programs to Veteran’s bonuses to maintaining wage and price rates to launching the National Credit Corporation and other government-driven actions gave the country a $2 billion deficit in 1931. Hoover had to correct the correctives by stopping the outflow of capital and “balance” the budget with more revenues. In marked contrast to 1921, 1922, 1924, 1926 and 1928, the “balance” was to be achieved not by cutting down the spending of government but by raising revenue to meet those expenditures. In his annual message to Congress in December of 1931 he presented the coming rate increases as the measure to restore “balance” and “cushion the violence of liquidation.” As Secretary Mellon had urged though, liquidation was exactly the medicine required for a sound economy to return. The marked differences between the President and his Treasury Secretary by this time were publicly known. President Hoover no longer permitted Mellon to set policy, as he was allowed to do under President Coolidge. Instead, he was instructed, managed and kept on a shortening leash. It was the Assistant Secretary Ogden Mills who had the President’s ear and confidence. Mellon was no more than a face to “sell” the tax increases. He had lost the internal battle in Hoover’s Administration for continuing what had been achieved during his two predecessors. Virtually being shown the door, Mr. Mellon was about to experience the price of crossing Hoover: Go before Congress and propose what would become the rate increases of 1932. He, with Ogden Mills as the principal speaker, did. By then, however, no one was interested in what Mr. Mellon thought on the subject. He was a liability now to the Administration. The Democrat majority in Congress would pass the Act decisively and while it stopped the flow of capital, Mellon’s predictions for high rates would come true. Revenue fell even more to $1.9 billion, suffering spread more equally and a decade of tax reform was repealed. But, as Mr. Cannadine observes in his biography of Mellon, “[E]ven before the measure was passed, Mellon had ceased to be even nominally responsible for it” (p.449). Commenting on what the looming decisions of Congress from his embattled friend’s department, former President Coolidge recalled the danger at work when taxes are increased, “Secretary Mellon has convincingly stated the approaching necessity of devising a tax system when business becomes normal to make national revenues more nearly depression proof. Assessing taxes where they can best be borne is sound enough. The rich are necessarily the immediate source of the income taxes. But mixed up with our tax laws have been certain social theories for dispossessing the rich in the name of reform rather than for revenue.” The former President then elaborated a warning that rings true in our current “tax the rich” redistribution climate, “Now, when we especially need surplus money for relief purposes, we find Treasury receipts greatly reduced. The vacillating income of persons and corporations does not supply certain sources of revenue. Taxes should provide a sure income and a balanced budget for the government without reference to social theories. It would be cheaper for the people of small incomes to pay one direct tax to the government than many indirect taxes on what they consume. A broad base of income assessments enabled Great Britain to balance its recent budget with little increased taxes. If government is to be able to relieve future depressions and encourage business it must first provide a revenue system that will not itself be depressed and also demonstrate ability to pay its own bills from current receipts” (May 28, 1931).